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Re: US Army News

Posted: Sun Sep 24, 2023 3:37 am
by James1978
US Army greenlights armored vehicle for full-rate production
By Jen Judson
August 4, 2023

WASHINGTON — The U.S. Army this week approved the Armored Multi-Purpose Vehicle for full-rate production, a spokesperson for the service’s Program Executive Office Ground Combat Systems told Defense News.

The full-rate production contract award to AMPV-maker BAE Systems is pending, the spokesperson said.

The Army delivered the first AMPVs to the 1st Armored Brigade Combat Team, 3rd Infantry Division at Fort Stewart, Georgia, in March, marking the beginning of the end for the M113 armored personnel carriers used since the 1960s. BAE Systems said at the time that a full-rate production decision was expected by the end of that month.

Ensuring production quality is “critical,” the spokesperson said, adding, issues during low-rate initial production are resolved and vehicles are compliant with required specifications. “It is key to note that there were no impacts to AMPV fielding activities.”

In advance of the full-rate production decision, the Army awarded BAE a $245.6 million contract in March and another $120 million contract Aug. 3 to buy long-lead items to keep production moving.

The Army’s fiscal 2024 budget request released in March called for a lower number of AMPVs than planned a year ago, rather than the anticipated ramp-up. The Army had planned to buy 131 AMPVs in FY24 for $682.4 million, according to its FY23 budget documents, but instead the service’s base budget request asked for 91 vehicles for $555 million.

However, while the base budget indicated a cut, the plan to ramp up AMPV procurement will be possible through congressionally approved supplemental funding provided to the Army to cover some of the cost of sending about 400 M113s to Ukraine. The service plans to buy a total of 154 new AMPVs to replace those M113s using the supplemental funding.

AMPV product manager Lt. Col. Nate Costa said earlier this year the Army will buy 197 AMPVs total in FY24 when combining base budget and supplemental funding, which roughly doubles the number of the vehicles funded in the base budget.

Congress approved funding in FY23 to build 72 vehicles in its first year of production.

Both the House and Senate defense appropriations subcommittees proposed cutting the AMPV program in their FY24 spending bills by similar amounts: The House appropriators proposed a $163 million cut to the program, and Senate appropriators proposed a $155 million cut, citing production capacity concerns.

The AMPV program entered low-rate production in January 2019, but the program office indicated last year that delivery of the first vehicles would be delayed by two months, and the completion of the production qualification testing would be delayed by seven months due to tooling and assembly line challenges at BAE’s York, Pennsylvania, production facilities. Coronavirus pandemic complications further slowed the effort.

The Army in recent years, due to initial production struggles at York, had downgraded the plan to produce a brigade set annually. But the service has been able to restore the original fielding plans back to a brigade and a half each year — which equates to ramping up production from 12 vehicles a month to 16 over the next two years, Costa said in March.

Re: US Army News

Posted: Sun Sep 24, 2023 3:45 am
by James1978
Maybe it's just me, but I've read enough articles over the last couple of years that really make me question just what the hell is going on in Army CID. If any civilian law enforcement agency was pulling this crap they'd be buried in civil rights lawsuits from the right and the left.
Looking for scalps’: Green Beret never charged with a crime ends up with murder on background check
Hannah Ray Lambert
September 2, 2023

A frantic pounding on the door woke Green Beret Sgt. 1st Class Jamie Morris on June 4, 2017. He lifted his phone to check the time, already annoyed. But his anger vanished as he stepped out into the hallway of the embassy housing in Bamako, Mali. People rushed around him, attempting resuscitative efforts on Green Beret Staff Sgt. Logan Melgar.

Four special operators were ultimately convicted of killing Melgar in a hazing attack.

Morris was never formally charged or accused of participating in Melgar’s death, but a fleeting remark in a pair of plea deals would lead to his background check being littered with charges from obstruction to murder.

"It's really a story of the military overreacting, looking for scalps," said Jeffrey Addicott, who is representing Morris pro bono through the Warrior Defense Project.

Morris is a casualty of a military justice system that creates a permanent record for anyone investigated in connection with a crime — regardless of whether probable cause is ever found or if the individual is charged — and reports that information to a federal database where it appears as an arrest record.

But with Addicott’s help, Morris is fighting to clear his name once and for all.

Morris fought to join the Army. A car crash in college shattered his kneecap, resulting in Morris being shot down twice for service. He filed a series of appeals and was finally allowed to enlist in 2004.

After that, it was smooth sailing. He graduated as a weapons sergeant and immediately deployed to Afghanistan and later to Iraq, Jordan, Germany and Africa.

"You could get as much out of the Army as you wanted to put into it," Morris said. "I was always trying to look for what was going to push me and get the most out of me."

He had no complaints about his career. But then in 2017, he was asked to deploy to Mali with a Special Forces Operational Detachment Alpha.

Morris said he saw Melgar the night of his death. The younger Green Beret asked Morris to translate a business card that was written in French.

"I asked where the rest of the guys were, and he explained to me that he ditched them on the way to a party that they were all supposed to go to," Morris recalled. It was the latest example of conflict between Melgar and other members of the ODA, tension which Morris had reported up the chain of command at least twice since March 2017, according to a memo from his supervisor.

A few hours later, Melgar was dead.

The men’s stories varied wildly in the immediate aftermath. Two SEAL Team Six members originally told investigators they found Melgar unconscious and tried to revive him. Later, they claimed they were practicing combat training with Melgar, but he passed out from drinking. Toxicology reports didn’t reveal any alcohol or drugs in Melgar’s system.

Court documents and testimony finally pieced together a different story.

The special operators busted down Melgar’s door with a sledgehammer, Military Times reported. Navy SEAL Tony DeDolph put Melgar in a chokehold. Another Navy SEAL, Adam Matthews, grabbed Melgar’s legs, and Marine Raiders Kevin Maxwell and Mario Madera-Rodriguez started wrapping him in duct tape. Then Melgar stopped breathing. The other men stripped away the tape and tried to resuscitate him, first with CPR, then with a tracheotomy.

They failed.

The investigation was kept quiet for months. Finally, in November 2018, Matthews, DeDolph, Madera-Rodriguez and Maxwell were charged with murder, involuntary manslaughter, conspiracy, hazing, obstruction of justice and more.

Morris was not implicated in the case until May 2019 when Matthews pleaded guilty to conspiracy to commit assault, unlawful entry, obstruction of justice and violating a general order by committing hazing.

Matthews testified that he told DeDolph to get approval for the hazing. He said DeDolph woke Morris up and that Morris gave permission before going back to sleep, The Washington Post reported. Morris said that never happened, and the Post noted that the allegation against Morris had not appeared in hundreds of pages of court filings before that point.

"Anybody with half a brain" could see that Matthews was making a last-ditch attempt to save his own skin, Addicott said. "Not all liars are murderers, but all murderers are liars," the retired Army lieutenant colonel and judge advocate added.

During his own plea deal, DeDolph denied asking Morris for permission for the hazing and said Morris had no involvement in the incident, Addicott said. DeDolph's attorney, Timothy Parlatore, declined to comment on Morris' situation directly since his own client is awaiting resentencing after a military appeals court found prosecutors failed to disclose that Matthews, who testified against DeDolph, asked for clemency in exchange for his testimony.

"Logan Melgar’s death was an unfortunate tragedy, but the efforts by prosecutors to inflate that tragedy and add additional fabricated ‘facts’ do not bring justice, they only compound the tragedy," Parlatore told Fox News in an email.

Later, Marine Staff Sgt. Kevin Maxwell repeated the allegation that the men asked Morris for permission and received it. But his story differed from Matthews’ in that he said the men planned to record Melgar being sexually assaulted too.

Maxwell pleaded guilty to numerous charges including negligent homicide, conspiracy to commit assault and hazing. But he was never charged with anything related to sexual assault.

The plea deal allegations finally signaled to Morris that he had something to worry about, but he had no idea how serious it was. Two years after Melgar’s death, the Army Criminal Investigation Division (CID) finally asked Morris to come in for questioning.

Agents fingerprinted him, took a DNA swab from his cheek and took his photo.

"Is this a mug shot?" Morris recalled asking, mostly joking.

"No, this is not a mug shot. This is just part of the process," he said the agent responded.

That was the last he heard about it for the next two years.

When a local sheriff's department employee called to ask about his concealed carry renewal, Morris wasn’t entirely surprised. James Morris is a common name, so it wouldn’t have been the first time he had to explain that no, he’s not that James Morris with a DUI conviction in Alabama or the one who had his license suspended in Texas.

But this time was different.

"Could you tell me about this arrest?" the woman asked.

He laughed. "You definitely got the wrong person. I’ve never been arrested in my life."

"No?" the woman sounded skeptical. "You got some pretty serious charges." She read off 10 charges in all.

The most serious were attempted aggravated sexual contact, negligent homicide and murder.

"I had all of these on my record and had no idea," Morris said. "I’d been walking around with them for at least two years at that point."

Morris is a victim of an obscure military process known as "titling," in which CID creates a permanent record showing a soldier was the subject of an investigation regardless of whether they are ever charged with a crime. In many cases, CID forwards that information to the FBI’s criminal database where the titles show up as an arrest.

Soldiers and veterans usually don’t know they’ve been titled until they apply for a job, firearm license or anything else that requires a background check. Once you’ve been titled, it’s nearly impossible to get your record corrected.

"I think the rot is at the top," Addicott said. "The CID is out to justify their existence, and therefore in many cases, they’re not concerned with providing justice. They’re concerned with titling people."

The sensationalism of the crime likely played a role, Addicott added. America’s most elite warriors, hazing and killing one of their own.

"This was a high-profile news story," he said. "The CID goes to a five-alarm fire."

Tears started to form in Kim Morris’ eyes when she considered all her husband has been through. She thought she knew what their family signed up for when he enlisted in the military. During their first year of marriage, Morris wrote his will and chose the songs he wanted played at his funeral.

"I knew every time he left, I may never see him again," Kim said. "I wasn't okay with it, but I had to be okay with it."

But she didn’t expect her husband to be betrayed by his own government.

"The worst part is, we signed up for a unit that was gonna protect him and they didn't," she said. "Where is the brotherhood? Where is the accountability?"

Morris tried fruitlessly to convince his chain of command and CID that the titling had given him a false criminal record. It looked like he was walking around awaiting trial for murder. He was afraid to volunteer at his church or chaperon his daughter’s school field trips because the required background checks would slap him with a "scarlet letter."

They didn’t listen.

"You were a subject of an investigation," he remembered his chain of command saying. "Titling is just an administrative action."

"They just keep telling you these things don’t get held against you," Morris said. "They do. They most certainly do."

"Every facet of [the Uniform Code of Military Justice] will hide behind ‘it’s an administrative action,’ but I can administratively freeze your checking accounts and it’s just an administrative action," he added. "But you can’t buy food. I can effectively starve you to death. To say that it’s just an administrative action doesn’t do it any justice at all."

Last November, Morris filed a complaint with the Defense Department’s inspector general. At some point between then and June, the murder charge and negligent homicide charges were inexplicably scrubbed from his record. But a slew of other charges remain, including attempted aggravated sexual contact, soliciting another to commit aggravated assault and obstruction of justice.

Despite a judge advocate issuing a memo in June finding no probable cause that Morris committed the offenses, CID refuses to untitle Morris.

In an Aug. 15 email reviewed by Fox News, a CID agent said the allegations against Morris were changed to "no probable cause" and that his fingerprints were removed from the database. But the agent wrote that DoD rules prohibit individuals from being untitled unless there is a case of mistaken identity or an error was made in applying the "credible information standard."

"Mr. Morris will remain titled," the agent wrote. "Titling is an administrative function and NOT indicative of a criminal determination."

But when it comes to a background check, that "administrative function" looks a lot like criminal wrongdoing. The flag on his record stopped Morris from progressing in the Army.

"I was at the prime of my career to be able to move forward, to do what every young Green Beret joins to do and become a team sergeant or a team leader and lead those guys and show them what you’ve learned from all your years," he said.

Instead, his career stalled out in 2019. In May of this year, Morris said he was pressured to leave the Army after 18 years and 10 months. He was just over a year away from obtaining the coveted military pension.

"He didn't want to get out of the military," Addicott, Morris' lawyer, said. "He lost hundreds of thousands of dollars" by retiring before the 20-year mark.

And getting a job — or a concealed carry permit — is no easy feat when it looks like you’ve been arrested for murder or attempted sex crimes. Morris said he applied to 80-some jobs over the course of a year. He got two interviews.

"You'll never know how many jobs you didn't get because of a background check," he said. "However, it does leave you with this stigma. I know that this is out there."

There is a precedent for removing titles, though it took years of fighting by a few vocal soldiers and lawyers, including Addicott. Last fall, the Army announced its intent to correct the records of around 2,000 troops whose records were tarnished for years after a sloppy CID investigation into a recruiting program known as G-RAP.

While the Army primarily focused on removing the soldiers’ names from criminal databases, officials said they would also review whether individuals should have been titled and expunge any that did not meet the "appropriate standard."

In August, a CID spokesman told Fox News that the review found 2,071 erroneously titled individuals and 1,454 people requiring corrective action for indexing (the process of sending the information to the FBI). Corrections are complete, the spokesman said, and a report on titling and indexing practices was sent to Congress in July.

"As a result of the G-RAP review, CID took immediate action and conducted all-hands training regarding proper titling and indexing," the spokesperson wrote in an email to Fox News.

A CID spokesman declined to answer questions about Morris' case or comment on his titling, telling Fox News only that the agency follows procedures as outlined by the Defense Department. Army public affairs did not respond to multiple requests for comment.

"The CID could untitle [Morris] if they wanted to," Addicott said. "They did it for the G-RAP cases. They just won’t do it for this particular case."

Addicott, who recently took Morris’ case, said he intends to fight to get the titles removed, clear Morris’ name and get him reinstated in the military so he can recoup his lost promotion to Master Sergeant and obtain his retirement benefits.

The Morris family, meanwhile, just wants the nightmare to finally end.

"I don't even know that we'll know how to feel normal without this black cloud over us and our family," Kim said. "There is no way, absolutely no way, we could have made it without our faith in God and our family that has been around us and that has prayed for us."

Re: US Army News

Posted: Sat Jan 06, 2024 3:26 am
by James1978
US Army receives first long-range Precision Strike Missiles
By Jen Judson
December 8, 2023

WASHINGTON — The U.S. Army has taken delivery of the first Precision Strike Missiles that will begin replacing the legacy Army Tactical Missile System, according to a Dec. 8 service announcement.

“The delivery of the Precision Strike Missile Increment 1 Early Operational Capability missiles follows successful production qualification testing in November at White Sands Missile Range, New Mexico,” the statement read.

The delivery marks a major milestone for the PrSM program and was one of 24 major modernization programs the Army was trying to get into the hands of soldiers by the end of 2023.

“The Precision Strike Missile will provide Joint Force commanders with a 24/7, all-weather capability that will counter the enemy’s ability to conduct combat maneuver and air defense operations,” Doug Bush, assistant secretary of the Army for acquisition, logistics and technology, said in the statement. “The rapid development and delivery of this capability is a prime example of the Army’s aggressive use of new acquisition authorities from Congress that allow us to move at much greater speed to get improved equipment to Soldiers.”

PrSM has been a top program for the Army and a key technology within the service’s long-range precision fires portfolio, which was created as part of the service’s new wave of modernization priorities identified in 2017.

The missile — which can launch from both the M142 High Mobility Artillery Rocket System and the M270A2 Multiple Launch Rocket System — will be critical to the service as it seeks a deep-strike capability that can counter Russian and Chinese technologies. Both European- and Indo-Pacific-based U.S. commanders have been eager to receive the capability.

The program originally began as a competition between Lockheed Martin and RTX (formerly Raytheon Technologies), but the latter struggled to get the weapon ready for flight tests during the program’s technology maturation and risk reduction phase. The Army and RTX mutually decided to end the effort in March 2020.

Lockheed continued alone in development and flight testing for the first increment. The Army approved the PrSM program to move into the engineering and manufacturing development phase in September 2021, awarding the company a $62 million contract for early operational capability production.

The service again awarded Lockheed another $158 million a year later for additional early operational-capability PrSMs.

The Army is planning add-ons, including an enhanced seeker as well as technology to provide increased lethality and extended range. The priority for the PrSM in the near term is to pursue a maritime, ship-killing capability.

Lockheed Martin and an RTX and Northrop Grumman team will compete for a subsequent phase of the PrSM program. The Army awarded RTX a $97.7 million contract in February 2023 to advance its design for a Long Range Maneuverable Fires program, planned to become the PrSM Increment 4 effort.

Lockheed received a $33 million contract to develop capability for the increment around the same time. That increment focuses on dramatically extending the range of PrSM, possibly from its currently planned 499 kilometers (310 miles) to more than double that distance.

America’s 2019 withdrawal from the Intermediate-Range Nuclear Forces Treaty with Russia has allowed the U.S. Army to develop the missile to fly farther. The treaty had prevented the development of missiles with ranges between 499 kilometers and 5,000 kilometers.

In October 2021, the U.S. Army conducted a long-range flight test of PrSM that is believed to have exceeded the current range requirement of 499 kilometers.
Lockheed begins delivering long-range PrSM Increment 1 to Army
By Ashley Roque
December 08, 2023

WASHINGTON — The US Army’s quest to provide soldiers with its new Precision Strike Missile (PrSM) has taken another step forward with the service announcing it has begun accepting weapon deliveries.

“The delivery of Precision Strike Missile Increment 1 early operational capability missiles follows successful production qualification testing in November at White Sands Missile Range, New Mexico,” the Army wrote in a short announcement today. The service previously said it was awaiting a final test report before accepting those initial missiles, a document that presumably verified the Lockheed Martin-developed long-range weapon is ready for prime time.

PrSM Inc 1 is designed to be fired from the M142 High Mobility Artillery Rocket System (HIMARS) and the M270A2 Multiple Launch Rocket System (MLRS). The new missile was designed to strike targets 500 km away — a distance greater than the legacy Army Tactical Missile System’s (ATACMS) 70-300 km range they are set to replace — but the service hasn’t disclosed if it will in fact hit that range.

The Army, however, has said publicly that it has tested it against targets more than 400 km away, and at a much shorter distance too.

Following that November qualification test, for example, Lockheed did not disclose the exact distance the missile flew to hit the target, but that it was the “shortest range flown” to date at less than 85 kilometers thus “demonstrating the system’s continued accuracy from launch to impact.”

“While not PrSM’s primary mission range, the short-range flight represents the most stressful, dynamic environment for the missile as it maneuvers at hypersonic speeds to align to the target,” Lockheed said at the time. “This test verifies structural integrity of the missile and trajectory control.”

Regardless of just how far that first iteration missile can fly, US Army Pacific commander Gen. Charles Flynn told reporters last month he can’t wait to have the “crucial capability” in his arsenal and to provide soldiers in the region with the new capability.

As the Army prepares for PrSM Inc 1 fielding, it is also working on enhanced versions of the weapon, including an Increment 2 with a multimode seeker, known as the Land-Based Anti-Ship Missile (LBASM) seeker, and a PrSM Inc 3 which would seek to add in enhanced lethality payloads.

The service also tapped a Lockheed team and a Raytheon Technologies-Northrop Grumman team this year to work on competing PrSM Inc 4 designs that can fly more than 1,000 km, possibly double the range of the current version.

Re: US Army News

Posted: Sat Jan 06, 2024 3:28 am
by James1978
Army numbers smallest since WWII — what units face cuts in 2024?
By Davis Winkie
December 28, 2023

The new year will likely prove to be one of significant force structure changes for the Army, according to its senior leaders.

Although the service has maintained for years that embracing multidomain operations will require it to “transform” its force structure into one leaders believe is suited to tomorrow’s battlefield, back-to-back recruiting shortfalls led top officials to admit by mid-to-late 2023 that some pending cuts are influenced by a deepening numbers shortfall. The Army finished fiscal year 2023 with only 452,000 active duty soldiers, its smallest force since 1940.

Army Secretary Christine Wormuth told Army Times in June that the service will see reductions to “close-combat forces” that were purpose-built for the War on Terror, in addition to other organizations based on their purpose or other factors like deployment rates.

Controversy erupted in October following a Wall Street Journal report suggesting that 3,000 Army special operations troops could be cut. According to other media reports, the special operations community and Army leadership disagreed about the potential reductions, ultimately requiring mediation from Defense Secretary Lloyd Austin.

Although details on the cuts are scarce, service and special operations officials briefed Congress on the matter in October. The briefing included “Army structure changes, to include [special operations forces],” according to a congressional staffer, who spoke on condition their name not be used in order to discuss the private briefing. A significant portion of the special operations cuts are expected to fall on hard-to-fill empty billets, a defense official told Army Times in October.

The cuts are intended to ensure the Army doesn’t become “hollow,” says Wormuth, deploying a term coined during the post-Vietnam era when some units existed on paper rather than in real life.

Re: US Army News

Posted: Thu Jan 11, 2024 7:49 pm
by kdahm
They just don't get it. Policies that alienate a prime segment for recruitment result in lower numbers of recruits.

This Washington insider also throws in some gratuitous slams against the South, of course blaming it on the politics in the South.

https://www.military.com/daily-news/202 ... ruits.html
Army Sees Sharp Decline in White Recruits

Gen. James E. Rainey, head of Army Futures Command, swears in six new recruits during a special Military Appreciation Day game featuring Minor League Baseball's Round Rock Express in Round Rock, Texas, on April 30, 2023. (U.S. Army Photo by Patrick Hunter)
Military.com | By Steve Beynon
Published January 10, 2024 at 4:25pm ET

The Army's recruiting of white soldiers has dropped significantly in the last half decade, according to internal data reviewed by Military.com, a decline that accounts for much of the service's historic recruitment slump that has become the subject of increasing concern for Army leadership and Capitol Hill.

The shift in demographics for incoming recruits would be irrelevant to war planners, except it coincides with an overall shortfall of about 10,000 recruits for the Army in 2023 as the service missed its target of 65,000 new soldiers. That deficit is straining the force as it has ramped up its presence in the Pacific and Europe: A smaller Army is taking on a larger mission and training workload than during the peak of the wars in Iraq and Afghanistan -- leading to soldiers being away from home now more than ever.

A total of 44,042 new Army recruits were categorized by the service as white in 2018, but that number has fallen consistently each year to a low of 25,070 in 2023, with a 6% dip from 2022 to 2023 being the most significant drop. No other demographic group has seen such a precipitous decline, though there have been ups and downs from year to year.


In 2018, 56.4% of new recruits were categorized as white. In 2023, that number had fallen to 44%. During that same five-year period, Black recruits have gone from 20% to 24% of the pool, and Hispanic recruits have risen from 17% to 24%, with both groups seeing largely flat recruiting totals but increasing as a percentage of incoming soldiers as white recruiting has fallen.

The rate at which white recruitment has fallen far outpaces nationwide demographic shifts, data experts and Army officials interviewed by Military.com noted. They don't see a single cause to the recruiting problem, but pointed to a confluence of issues for Army recruiting, including partisan scrutiny of the service, a growing obesity epidemic and an underfunded public education system.

Internally, some Army planners are alarmed over the data trends, but see it as a minefield to navigate given increasing partisan attacks against the military for its efforts to recruit and support a diverse force, according to interviews with several service officials.

The Army declined Military.com's request to share its regional recruiting data, which could show what specific parts of the country are struggling. Military.com had seen internal Army numbers that suggested that the shift in demographics was even more dramatic, but when presented with those figures, Army public affairs officials insisted that they were wrong and provided updated statistics included in this article, while blaming a system coding error.

The updated data provided by the Army did not break down recruit demographics by both race and gender at the same time, meaning that it's unclear whether the sharp decline is worse among white women or white men, or if the drop was the same for both groups.
Collapse of Men in the Labor Market

Though the recruiting numbers reviewed by Military.com point to a stable gender divide for incoming soldiers, 83% male in 2018 versus 82% in 2023, the disproportionate number of men donning the uniform means that a disruption to men seeking work in the U.S. can have a major impact on the military services. That exact dynamic is at play, according to civilian experts, as men have been disappearing from labor market statistics.

"Men have been in trouble in the workforce for two generations. The greatest risk of being a labor dropout is being a native-born, low education, unmarried guy," said Nicholas Eberstadt, an economist who studies demographics at the American Enterprise Institute. "Like with any other big historic change, it's kind of hard to attribute to a single magic bullet."

According to Army officials, recruiting efforts are starting to broadly mimic the trends in the private sector, though it's unclear why that would particularly impact white recruiting.

"What we're seeing is a reflection of society; what we know less of is what is driving all of these things," one Army official told Military.com. "There is no widely accepted cause."

Part of those labor trends is men in their prime working age of 25 to 54 years old detaching from the labor market for decades, though that age group is slightly older than prime recruiting age.

The work rate for men in that age group has dropped from 94% in 1948 to 86% in 2023, according to Eberstadt's landmark study "Men Without Work." That group accounts for roughly six million men who are unemployed and not looking for work, which generally isn't captured by unemployment stats. It's a bit of a mystery to data experts, with no single explanation like drug addiction or women's increased participation in the workforce explaining the sharp drop.

Among other problems, opioid overdoses have increasingly pummeled the U.S. every year, with 80,000 deaths in 2021 and about 75% of overdose victims being white and many in their twenties, according to data compiled by the Kaiser Family Foundation.

And some Army officials interviewed by Military.com pointed to struggles by recruits from the South to meet service standards, though there are no indications that recruits from the South are disproportionately white. A 2018 study published in the Journal of Public Health Management and Practice found Southern recruits are 22% more likely to get injured in basic training and had the lowest median levels of fitness compared to troops from other parts of the country.

Nationally, the South has the highest prevalence of obesity, something researchers have attributed to a slew of factors, including restrictions on access to health care, high-quality fitness facilities and healthy food. Large swaths of the South also have relatively low household incomes -- putting easy access to fitness training and healthy foods even further out of reach.

Partisan Attacks

Another Army official pointed to partisan attacks from conservative lawmakers and media, which has an overwhelmingly white audience. Those groups have used the military as a partisan cudgel against the Biden administration, lambasting the services for being "woke," or so preoccupied with liberal values that they have abandoned their warfighting priorities. In most cases, those attacks have zeroed in on the services being more inclusive for women, service members from racial minority groups and LGBTQ+ troops.

"No, the young applicants don't care about this stuff. But the older people in their life do who have a lot of influence ... parents, coaches, pastors," one Army official told Military.com. "There's a level of prestige in parts of conservative America with service that has degraded. Now, you can say you don't want to join, for whatever reason, or bad-mouth the service without any cultural guilt associated for the first time in those areas."

The Army has made a few passing attempts to court those cultural influencers in hopes they might be more willing to recommend service to young Americans. This includes a high-profile oath of enlistment ceremony on "Fox and Friends," an oped in The Wall Street Journal from service secretaries pitching service, and a return to a nostalgic recruiting slogan while heavily investing in advertising on cable television.

Often, those "woke" critiques include few specifics. Right-wing pundits and lawmakers have routinely blasted the Army for a 2022 recruiting ad, titled "The Calling," featuring a real-life soldier who has two mothers and participated in Pride events. The Army, in producing ads like that one, has seen data showing that LGBTQ+ rights are considered a major priority among Gen Z, the demographic that the service needs to court to build its ranks.

The service has since distanced itself from that ad.

"I don't know the genesis of it. Or why they. ... 'The Calling' was before me," Agnes Schaefer, assistant secretary of the Army for manpower and reserve affairs, told lawmakers in December, referencing the ad when pressed on the reasoning for it.
Parallels with Civilian College Enrollments

A similar demographic trend to what the Army is experiencing has been popping up at colleges across the country. Between 2010 and 2021, white undergraduate and graduate college enrollment rates fell from 43% to 38%, according to the most recent federal data from the National Center for Education Statistics. That dip coincided with fewer men enrolling, with male enrollment decreasing from 38% to 33% over the same period of time.

Higher education has also faced fierce partisan attacks from right-wing lawmakers and partisan media, with critiques of the U.S. higher education system being potent ways to gin up the Republican base.

Men now account for about 40% of undergraduate students, after seeing a steady decline since the 1970s. That decline has run broadly parallel to a decline in job opportunities for low-skill labor and manufacturing, meaning that as men are becoming less educated as a demographic, the pool of jobs they qualify for becomes increasingly shallow.

One of the key pitches for military service is numerous scholarships available to service members during or after service, most notably the GI Bill -- broadly seen on Capitol Hill as among the most successful federal programs. But if college is becoming less relevant to white males, that pitch for service could become less enticing moving forward.

Meanwhile, the Army is seeking structural changes in how it recruits, including new recruiting career fields for soldiers aimed at putting the right talent into boots to hopefully help fill the ranks. Even with recent attempts to boost its recruiting force and slick new marketing ads, it likely faces an uphill battle to overcome culture war issues that service leaders believe are, at a minimum, exacerbating recruiting problems.

But the drop in white recruitment has baffled Army staff and isn't easily explained by any one particular factor, and no parallel demographic trends in the civilian sector are perfect comparisons.

Without proper context, some officials say, Army marketing efforts face a difficult future as the service continues to face partisan culture war attacks and the pool of eligible recruits continues to shrink.

"There are all sorts of things going on," Eberstadt said. "It's almost like a naturally made Rorschach test."

Steve Beynon

Steve Beynon is a reporter for Military.com based out of the Washington D.C. area whose detailed investigations have covered urgent issues impacting soldiers. Read Full Bio

Re: US Army News

Posted: Fri Feb 09, 2024 12:49 am
by James1978
Army cancels FARA helicopter program, makes other cuts in major aviation shakeup

By Ashley Roque
February 08, 2024

WASHINGTON — The US Army is cancelling its next generation Future Attack Reconnaissance Aircraft (FARA) program, service officials announced today, taking a potential multi-billion-dollar contract off the table and throwing the service’s long-term aviation plans into doubt.

In addition, the Army plans to end production on the UH-60 V Black Hawk in fiscal 2025, due to “significant cost growth,” keep General Electric’s Improved Turbine Engine Program (ITEP) in the development phase instead of moving it into production, and phase the Shadow and Raven unmanned aerial systems out of the fleet, the service added.

All told, it reflects a massive shift in the Army’s aviation strategy and upends years of planning. There is also an ironic sense of history repeating: the decision to end FARA comes two decades to the month after the Army ended its plans to procure the RAH-66 Comanche and nearly 16 years after it terminated work on the ARH-70A Arapaho, both aircraft designed to replace the Kiowa — the same helicopter FARA was supposed to, finally, replace.

The reason for ending FARA, Army leaders told a small group of reporters ahead of the announcement, is a reflection of what war looks like in the modern era.

“We absolutely are paying attention [to world events] and adjusting, because we could go to war tonight, this weekend,” head of Army Futures Command Gen. James Rainey told reporters at the Pentagon on Thursday.

“We are learning from the battlefield — especially Ukraine — that aerial reconnaissance has fundamentally changed,” Army Chief Gen. Randy George said in a press release. “Sensors and weapons mounted on a variety of unmanned systems and in space are more ubiquitous, further reaching and more inexpensive than ever before.”

Although industry was planning for a Kiowa replacement for years, the program officially kicked off in 2018 with five competitors, which in 2020 were downselected to two: Bell-Textron with the 360 Invictus and Sikorsky with its Raider X.

While observations from places like Ukraine and Gaza are part of the impetus for FARA’s cancellation, the need to free up billions of dollars to invest in unmanned systems was also a prime factor, Rainey and other aviation leaders explained.

So the tentative plan, if Congress approves a fiscal 2024 spending bill with FARA dollars in it, is to keep FARA development going this year, in part to protect the industrial base and continue testing, Army acquisition head Doug Bush said. However, come Oct. 1 when FY25 kicks off, the FARA development will come to an end — if the service gets its way, as Congress will have to weigh in.

Although the Army still has a requirement for a FARA-like capability, Rainey said the service does not plan to kickstart another manned Kiowa replacement effort like it has done in the past. Instead, it will invest elsewhere, especially on the unmanned side, to fulfill the Kiowa’s role as an armed scout operating ahead of other units in war zones.

Just want those final investments will looks like will take time to emerge, but Bush said the service plans to use a portion of the billions of dollars freed up, to invest in four spots inside the aviation portfolio.

* Ink a new multi-year procurement deal with Lockheed-Sikorsky for the UH-60M Blackhawk line.
* Give Boeing the greenlight to formally begin production on the CH-47F Block II Chinook.
* Continue Future Long-Range Assault Aircraft (FLRAA) development as planned.
* Additional investments for developing and buying unmanned aerial reconnaissance systems like the future tactical unmanned systems and launched effects.

“The Army is deeply committed to our aviation portfolio and to our partners in the aviation industrial base,” service Secretary Christine Wormuth wrote in a press release. “These steps enable us to work with industry to deliver critical capabilities as part of the joint force, place the Army on a sustainable strategic path, and continue the Army’s broader modernization plan which is the service’s most significant modernization effort in more than four decades.”

Re: US Army News

Posted: Tue Mar 12, 2024 4:29 am
by James1978
Fewer special ops, more tech: Formal force structure cements a trimmer Army
By Ashley Roque
February 27, 2024

WASHINGTON — Grappling with a smaller force and new weapons, the US Army today unveiled its formal plan to chop about 24,000 jobs, including thousands of special operations positions, and make way for different formations.

“We are transforming our force structure. We are transforming our weapons systems through our modernization programs and what we’ve done … is make room for some new formations like Multi-Domain Task Forces but also… directed energy [Maneuver Short-Range Air Defense] M-SHORAD,” Army Secretary Christine Wormoth told reporters at Defense Writers Group breakfast.

Wormuth, alongside Army Chief Gen. Randy George, spoke to reporters today ahead of the publication of an “Army Force Structure Transformation” white paper, which was informed by what the service called a recent Total Army Analysis. The duo explained that after spending a significant amount of “quality time” briefing lawmakers, they are planning for a force with 470,000 active-duty soldiers — significantly less than the 494,000 soldiers the force is structured to support today but more than the currently authorized number of 445,000 soldiers.

That means the Army is cutting some 32,000 positions, but are adding approximately 7,500 others back in what the white paper called “high priority formations.” The paper made it clear that the cuts are to planned spaces, and the service is not “asking current soldiers to leave.”

To get to the 470,000 number, service leaders opted to cut a number of unfilled jobs like media outreach and psychological operations, as well as leveling a 3,000-position hit to special operations posts. George said that figure was settled on after “months and months” of consultation with US Army Special Operations Command and US Special Operations Command.

That plan went up to Defense Secretary Llyod Austin for approval and reflects the “excess” number of special operations spots created when the service was focused on counterinsurgency and counterterrorism operations, rather than the large-scale combat for which the Pentagon is preparing, Wormuth added.

But it’s not all cuts ahead for the Army. It is also planning for a future with an ever-increasing number of aerial drones and weapons designed to shoot them down. Accordingly, structure changes also include:
* Four additional Indirect Fire Protection Capability (IFPC) battalions;
* Nine counter-small UAS (C-sUAS) batteries nested within IFPC and division air defense battalions; and
* Four additional M-SHORAD battalions.

The Army paper said that another one of the “most significant new force structure additions” is the rounding out of a planned five total Multi-Domain Task Forces (MDTFs). The service has been rolling out MDTFs in recent months and says that when all is said and done, three will be assigned to US Army Pacific, one will go to US Army Europe-Africa and the last will “likely focus” on US Central Command’s “area of responsibility.

The Army expects the task forces to “increase the depth and scale at which Army forces can protect Joint and Coalition forces, conduct intelligence gathering and synchronization, deliver non-kinetic space and cyber effects to shape operations, and deliver long-range fires in support of joint force maneuver,” the paper says.

Re: US Army News

Posted: Tue Mar 12, 2024 4:31 am
by James1978
Floating around: Army’s watercraft strategy in need of facelift, work continues on boat plans
By Ashley Roque
February 07, 2024

WASHINGTON — US Army plans to field a mix of manned and autonomous boats to sustain the force in the Indo-Pacific region are progressing to include updating a watercraft strategy that could guide acquisition and sustainment plans, according to a trio of service officials.

“The Indo-Pacific [area of responsibility] AOR involves a significant amount of water, and thus we must evolve our watercraft strategy and capabilities to ensure we meet our intra-theater sustainment responsibilities,” Maj. Gen. James Smith, the Army’s director of operations focused on strategic logistics, told an audience at an Association of the US Army event. “And in this vein, we have to nest our sister services’ [large-scale combat operation] requirements to underwrite their lethality as well: We must determine how we mutually support one another across our various roles and responsibilities.”

While Smith didn’t detail all of the open question marks he needs the revamped strategy to address, or disclose a timetable for wrapping it up, the strategy’s findings could influence a variety of existing or developing programs and drive sustainment plans.

On the vessel side of the equation, Vigor Works recently delivered its first Maneuver Support Vessel-Light (MDV-L) to the service, and Army mariners are now set to sail it down to the San Diego, Calif. area for the upcoming Project Convergence 2024 capstone event, Maj. Gen. Michelle Donahue, the head of the Army’s Combined Arms Support Command, told the audience today.

That event is billed as a way, in part, to test out new equipment and operate concepts with sister services and international partners; and soldier feedback from it could potentially shape plans for subsequent vessels. In October 2023, Army acquisition head Doug Bush explained that the vessel’s lofty price tag may mean that the service maintains the requirements for the first four MSV-Ls and then alters them to drive down the cost for the remaining nine boats it’s slated to buy.

The MSV-L line is slated to replace the Vietnam-era Landing Craft Mechanized-8 (LCM-8), and Army is also eyeing a larger, MSV-Heavy. However, last year Bush said the Army is still in the “think about it stage” with those requirements, and more insights are needed about the right mix of manned and unmanned boats, and “other ways” to move stuff around on the water. Accordingly, the Army Futures Command’s cross-functional team (CFT) dedicated to contested logistics is slated to weigh in.

Rob Watts, the deputy director for the contested logistics CFT, was also at today’s event, and while he did not detail his shop’s role in crafting the watercraft strategy, he noted that his shop has been tasked with drafting plans for “affordable” autonomous resupply vessels as part of its work on “human-machine integrated supply distribution.”

“Envision a swarm of these autonomous vessels going out to various island chains … not having to beach because we’re gonna have the [unmanned aerial vehicles] UAVs come in, meet somewhere over the water, grab portions, and take that AOR’s portion… of ammo, food, blood … and take it to the point of need,” he told the audience.

“No beach, unload, load, drive, unload … That’s a concept we’ve started to build,” Watts added.

While all of these lines of effort could be influenced by a revamped strategy looking at requirements and missions, Smith said the entire sustainment model is also up for a shakeup.

Today, Army watercraft are typically sent back to the United States for repairs, he noted, which is not the ideal model. The service is instead looking at which boat fixes can be made inside the theater of operations instead to “keep the watercraft on a tighter tether” and ensure that combatant commanders have what they need, Smith said.

Such a pivot isn’t a radical shift but one the Army and Pentagon have been moving towards for several years as the US looks to shore up relationships in the Indo-Pacific region and reduce its logistics footprint. On the heels of Exercise Talisman Sabre 2023, for example, 8th Theater Sustainment Command Maj. Gen. Jered Helwig told Breaking Defense the Army planned to leave more equipment in Australia to reduce the logistics burden of future exercises there. He also noted that the Army has been able to tap into the country’s supply chain to fix broken weapon systems during the exercise, and a few months earlier, in March 2023, said the Army was potentially interested in partnering up with Australia on a boat venture.

“We’ve talked to Australia, who’s also looking to build a boat, about … how do we partner and make this more interoperable, so that maybe we’re able to maintain each other’s boats,” Helwig said at the time.

Re: US Army News

Posted: Tue Mar 12, 2024 4:34 am
by James1978
US Army scraps Extended Range Cannon Artillery prototype effort
By Jen Judson
March 11, 2023

The U.S. Army is changing its approach to acquiring a long-range artillery capability and scrapping its 58-caliber Extended Range Cannon Artillery prototyping effort, according to the service’s acquisition chief.

“We concluded the prototyping activity last fall,” Doug Bush told reporters at a March 8 briefing on the fiscal 2025 budget request. “Unfortunately, [it was] not successful enough to go straight into production.”

The new plan — following an “exhaustive” tactical fires study meant to revalidate elements of the extended-range cannon requirement led by Army Futures Command — is to evaluate existing options from industry this summer “to get a sense of the maturity of those systems.”

Of the 24 new Army systems slated to make it into the hands of soldiers by the end of 2023, only the Extended Range Cannon Artillery program missed that goal. The ERCA system uses a service-developed, 58-caliber gun tube mounted on the chassis of a BAE Systems-made Paladin Integrated Management howitzer.

The Army was building 20 prototypes of the ERCA system: two for destructive testing and the remaining 18 for a battalion.

The operational evaluation of ERCA revealed “engineering challenges,” Bush said a year ago. Observations in early testing of prototypes showed excessive wear on the gun tube after firing a relatively low number of rounds.

Army Futures Command leader Gen. James Rainey told Defense News last summer the service was working on a new conventional fires strategy expected by the end of the calendar year. The strategy would determine both capability and capacity of what exists and what the Army may need, Rainey said.

The strategy considered new technology to enhance conventional fires on the battlefield, such as advances in propellant that make it possible for midrange cannons to shoot as far as longer-range systems.

Depending on the artillery strategy’s conclusions, there are a variety of options the service could consider in order to fulfill the Army’s requirement for an extended-range cannon, Bush said.

The Army was able to conduct a variety of successful tests with ERCA prototypes, including hitting a target on the nose 70 kilometers (43 miles) away at Yuma Proving Ground, Arizona, in December 2020 using an Excalibur extended-range guided artillery shell.

The problems with the cannon were mostly related to the length of the gun tube and its ability to withstand a large number of projectiles without excessive wear to the gun tube.

The Army is racing to extend artillery ranges on the battlefield to take away advantages of high-end adversaries like Russia and China. The ERCA weapon was intended to be able to fire at and destroy targets from a position out of the range of enemy systems.

That requirement remains, Bush stressed last week.

The hope now is to find systems that currently exist and are capable. The Army would then choose one for production if it proves promising, Bush said.

“There [are] things people say, and then we need to actually do testing to make sure it’s true,” he explained.

“It’s a shift from developing something new to working with what is available both domestically and internationally to get the range,” he added, “because the fires study validated the range and volume are still needed, so we want to find a different way to get there.”

The Army is asking for $55 million in its FY25 budget to pursue the new effort to find an extended-range cannon capability.

The service also plans to continue developing new munitions it was already working on as part of the ERCA program, Bush noted.

Re: US Army News

Posted: Fri Apr 12, 2024 4:14 am
by James1978
The Army Has Finally Fielded Its Next Generation Squad Weapons
By Jared Keller
March 29, 2024

The Army has officially fielded its brand-new Next Generation Squad Weapon rifles to its first unit, bringing an end to the service's decades-long effort to replace its M4 and M16 family of military firearms.

Army Futures Command announced Thursday that soldiers from 1st Battalion, 506th Infantry Regiment, 101st Airborne Division, at Fort Campbell, Kentucky, accepted delivery of the XM7 Next Generation Rifle and XM250 Next Generation Automatic Rifle ahead of training in April.

Produced by firearm maker Sig Sauer, the XM7 is intended to replace the M4 carbine in close combat formations, while the XM250 will replace the M249 Squad Automatic Weapon, or SAW. Both new rifles are chambered in 6.8 mm to provide improved range and lethality against enemy body armor.

The Next Generation Squad Weapon series also includes the XM157 Fire Control smart scope, built by Vortex Optics, which integrates advanced technologies such as a laser range finder, ballistic calculator and digital display overlay into a next-generation rifle optic.

The fielding "is a culmination of a comprehensive and rigorous process of design, testing and feedback, all of which were led by soldiers," Col. Jason Bohannon, manager of soldier lethality for the Program Executive Office Soldier project, said in a statement. "As a result, the Army is delivering on its promise to deliver to soldiers the highest-quality, most-capable small-caliber weapons and ammunition."

Based on Sig Sauer's MCX-Spear rifle, the XM7 features a 13-inch barrel, both standard and left-side non-reciprocating charging handles, a collapsible buttstock, a free-floating reinforced M-LOK handguard, and AR-style ergonomics. The XM250, based on Sig's LMG 6.8 mm machine gun, features quick-detach magazines and increased M1913 rail space. Both weapons come with Sig Sauer suppressors designed to reduce the blowback from toxic fumes.

Soldiers should know that the XM7 is noticeably heavier than the M4 carbine -- 9.8 pounds suppressed in a basic combat load compared to the M4's 7.4-pound combat load, per the Army -- and delivers increased recoil compared to the M4 on par with a weapon system chambered in 7.62 mm, according to Sig Sauer officials.

According to the Army's fiscal 2025 budget request, the service has a long-term plan of buying 111,428 XM7 rifles, 13,334 XM250 automatic rifles, and 124,749 XM157 Fire Control devices stretching into the 2030s.

The XM7 and XM250 "ensure increased lethality against a broad spectrum of targets beyond current/legacy weapon capabilities; increased range, accuracy, and probability of hit; reduced engagement time; suppressed flash/sound signature; and improved controllability and mobility," the Army's budget says.

The service has been pushing for a new family of infantry rifles since the mid-1980s when it kicked off the Advanced Combat Rifle, or ACR, program to identify a replacement for the M16 family of assault rifles. The canceled ACR program was followed by the XM29 Objective Individual Combat Weapon program in the 1990s and the XM8 assault rifle effort of the early 2000s, both of which were also abandoned.

The M4/M16 replacement effort took on new urgency during the war in Afghanistan, where American soldiers found that the M16 family of rifles and their standard-issue 5.56 mm ammunition -- designed for the close-quarters combat of Vietnam and well-suited for urban warfare during the U.S.-led invasion of Iraq -- proved ineffective against Afghan insurgents engaged at longer distances amid the country's mountainous terrain, as The Associated Press reported in 2010.

That issue led to the 2010 fielding of the upgraded 5.56 mm cartridge, the M855A1 Enhanced Performance Round, as a temporary solution to bolster U.S. troops' lethality in Afghanistan. Eventually, the Defense Department's 2017 Small Arms Ammunition ­Configuration Study determined that an intermediate 6.8 mm cartridge would likely outperform both standard-issue 5.56 mm and 7.62 mm rounds, inducing the Army to establish the Next Generation Squad Weapon program in 2018 to replace both the M4 carbine and the M249 in its arsenal.

From there, the Army selected three gunmakers to furnish the service with prototypes of the NGSW-Rifle (the M4 replacement) and the NGSW-Automatic Rifle (the M249 replacement): General Dynamics-OTS Inc., AAI Corporation Textron Systems and Sig Sauer, the last of which had won the Army's Modular Handgun System program contract in 2017 to replace the M9 Beretta across every service in the U.S. armed forces.

Sig Sauer eventually clinched the contract in 2022. Since then, the Army has been conducting ongoing user testing on the rifles, putting them through their paces in extreme environments. In late March, days before revealing the initial fielding to 1st Battalion, 506th Infantry Regiment, the service announced plans to build a 6.8 mm ammunition plant in Missouri to support the proliferation of the weapons across the force.

According to the Army, soldiers have spent more than 25,000 hours testing the next-gen weapons from initial development to fielding.

"The process of developing and fielding new equipment is never without challenges and setbacks and speed bumps, so we're celebrating the fact that we're delivering on schedule, as promised," Lt. Col. Mark Vidotto, the program lead for the Soldier Lethality Cross-Functional Team at Fort Moore, Georgia, said in a statement.

Re: US Army News

Posted: Fri Apr 12, 2024 4:19 am
by James1978
The Army doesn’t have enough PSYOP soldiers to fight the information war, inspector general says
By Task & Purpose
March 29, 2024

The Army doesn’t have enough PSYOP soldiers to fight the information war with China and Russia, the Department of Defense’s Inspector General said in a report released Wednesday.

The IG report found the Army has not recruited, trained, or retained a big enough workforce to meet the growing demand for Military Information Support Operations (MISO), commonly referred to as “psychological operations, or PSYOP” which aim to influence the beliefs and actions of other countries’ populations.

Without enough active duty soldiers trained in PSYOP warfare, the service has relied on reservists to “fill the global, full-time requirements for conventional MISO.” In fiscal year 2023, the Army’s four active and reserve Psychological Operation Groups operated with only 60% of their authorized strength, according to the report.

“The resulting operational tempo required of this under-resourced force risks burnout of these specialized Soldiers, which only serves to worsen the underlying conditions,” the report said.

However, Aaron Schmidt, a current PSYOP reservist, said the “burnout” issue is not unique to PSYOP but to reservists in general.

“There are things that we need to better address whether that’s manning, training and equipping,” he said. “But from my perspective, I do not see it as a burnout issue.”

The “divorce”
Problems in the Army’s PSYOP community began around 2006 with the “divorce,” where Army reserve civil affairs and PSYOP units under the U.S. Special Operations Command were reassigned to the Army Reserve Command.

The change “enhanced PSYOP support of special operations forces, but diminished the employment of this capability for conventional forces,” according to an article by a former soldier and author of a book on the origins of U.S. Army Special Warfare.

After September 11, as the requirements for active duty soldiers increased, U.S. Army Special Operations Command (USASOC) decided they were going to support other Special Forces units only, instead of the Army writ large, said Robert Curris, former commandant of PSYOP at the Special Warfare Center.

“That got lost somewhere along the way and so that put a lot more pressure on the reserves to do things that they neither had the manpower or training to sustain for any period of time,” Curris said.

Along with the reassignment, training became separate for the two groups which is different from other Army capabilities like armor or infantry where reservists and active duty soldiers train alongside one another.

“They don’t have language training. They’re not required to be jump-qualified. Their messaging processes are a little bit different and they are not tied into SOF activities and other additional SOF training that would be given to an active duty PSYOP soldier,” said former PSYOP Sgt. Maj. Kenneth Ramos, who also runs the Army W.T.F. social media pages.

PSYOP assessment and selection for active duty soldiers lasts 10 days and is designed to assess leadership qualities, critical thinking, and effective communication with populations around the world. After that, soldiers must endure roughly 41 weeks of physically and mentally demanding training with the PSYOP Qualification Course.

Curris said that Army PSYOP is losing its ability to “function at anything above the tactical level” partially because of sheer numbers and partially because of the command and control relationship and changes that were made under USSOCOM leadership.

The result, he said, has become a turf war over resources.

“It’s just blatant protectionism,” he said. “They don’t trust us and they don’t reinforce us. In fact, what they’ve said is that they would like to expand their information operations capability on the SF team without us. What that really means is, they don’t care if we go away, they would just build an internal capability which could then be Special Forces and they would control it.”

The other aspect is the “identity crisis” facing the special operations community which is trying to redefine itself post-Global War on Terror and now in the era of “Great Power Competition” with China and Russia where “there’s not as much of a role for the traditional Special Forces missions,” Curris said.

Impacts on national security
The former and current soldiers interviewed by Task & Purpose all expressed concerns over the outsized mission that PSYOP soldiers are tasked with.

“I think [Army] Information Operations as a whole is supposed to be a coordinating agency, but they try to take on a role of PSYOP because there is a lack of cyber around, which means that you get really bad PSYOP because they’re doing a job that they’re not trained for, but they’re trying to fill a need,” Curris said.

The IG report notes the 2022 National Defense Strategy which says that emerging technologies are making it easier for competitors (i.e. Russia and China) to “engage in operations below the threshold of armed conflict.”

The solution, according to the defense strategy, is that the U.S. military should use non-traditional tools like those in the information space. MISO is part of the military’s strategic, operational, and tactical capabilities and helps shape the operational environment and deterrence of large-scale combat operations, according to the DOD.

“We are diminished in our information warfare capabilities, as we speak, against China and Russia,” Ramos said. “We don’t have enough personnel and also, we don’t have enough outside eyes looking into the SOF organization to fix it.”

MISO or PSYOP are used by the military “to convey selected information and indicators to foreign audiences to influence their emotions, motives, objective reasoning, and ultimately the behavior of foreign governments, organizations, groups, and individuals, in a manner favorable to the originator’s objective” according to the IG report.

One PSYOP reservist told Task & Purpose that they’re doing a job that shouldn’t inherently be left up to the military, referring to the national power strategy of DIME: Diplomatic, Information, Military, and Economic.

“If the military is going to be conducting special operations with information support, what are those other state instruments that are going to be facilitating the other discussions for information support and that’s where that discussion around the I in dime comes in,” they said. “If we are going to say that the military is now responsible for something that it shouldn’t be responsible for, we are always gonna fail at it.”

Policy issues
The IG also called out an Army officer career management policy that limits who can become a PSYOP soldier. Instead of PSYOP units recruiting soldiers out of high school or college, the policy requires officers to reach the rank of captain and then seek a transfer into a psyop branch.

New officers who previously enlisted as 37F PSYOP specialists also “cannot directly re-enter the PSYOP branch as PSYOP officers.”

“The inability to assign newly commissioned officers into the PSYOP branch, combined with possibly taking years to fully train reserve PSYOP officers, contributes to 10 of 32 manned reserve PSYOP detachments not having PSYOP-qualified commanders,” according to the report.

As a result of policies like this, active special operations PSYOP soldiers have been forced to work more than the standard ratio of one month deployed to two months at home and the Army Reserve’s PSYOP groups operated with 25% of captains required to complete missions, according to the report.

“If new reserve officers were to commission directly into the PSYOP career field as recent college graduates, they might have more time and flexibility to spend longer lengths of time in training, compared with captains who might have more conflicting responsibilities related to civilian careers and families,” the report quoted from a PSYOP force modernization proponent.

When it comes to recruiting, Curris said there’s not enough education on what exactly PSYOP does. Most assume they handle marketing-like activities. However, with the contentious relationship with special operations forces, Curris fears that PSYOP won’t get the attention it needs.

Re: US Army News

Posted: Fri Apr 12, 2024 4:43 am
by James1978
BROKEN TRACK: Suicides & suffering in Army’s exhausted armor community
‘What is the mission that we’re killing ourselves for?’ asked one officer.
By Davis Winkie
11 March 2024

Collin Pattan remembers the winter of 2020.

Before the first snow blanketed Fort Carson, Colorado, two members of the Iron Knight battalion were dead: Sgt. Larry Cook, a tanker, died by suicide in April, and Spc. Brian Seely, an intel analyst, killed himself in June.

In total, six soldiers from 1st Battalion, 66th Armor Regiment died by suicide in 14 months.

Pattan, a combat medic, now screens soldiers’ medical records for his brigade’s upcoming deployment to Europe. He sees the scars from that winter. He reads about the struggles with mental health. He knows the toll the job can take.

More than three years later, he still can’t answer unexpected calls. When the phone rings, he’s gripped with fear: is another soldier dead?

The 27-year-old sergeant now faces a medical retirement for PTSD after his soldiers died, after he cleaned their blood from the carpet and after he interrogated himself over whether he could have done more.

Between 2019 and 2021, tank brigades experienced a suicide rate twice as high as the rest of the active duty force, according to an Army Times analysis of death records. At least 79 soldiers assigned to active duty Armored Brigade Combat Teams — units of approximately 4,000 soldiers that include support troops like cooks in addition to their tanks and Bradleys — killed themselves. Across all unit types, enlisted tankers were three times as likely to die by suicide than other soldiers. Sixteen died by suicide during that three-year period.


Retired Gen. Robert “Abe” Abrams, a career armor officer, said the suicide numbers hit him “square in the gut.”

“The armor force needs to train hard to be ready,” he said. “But it cannot sustain that tempo indefinitely so that every 18 months, they can be gone for nine months. That’s what’s crushing them.”

In interviews with Army Times, more than 60 soldiers from tank brigades described a high operational tempo — a loosely defined term that encompasses time spent away from home for training or deployments. The soldiers said they endured countless late nights and early mornings maintaining vehicles only for them to break repeatedly amid training. And they said the unforgiving pace of work suffocated the spirit of those around them.

For a decade, U.S. tank brigades have been in high demand overseas, even though they’re not fighting.

Perhaps nowhere was the strain felt more than 1st Battalion, 66th Armor.

“I just thought it was normal, growing up in this unit,” said Staff Sgt. Colton Herzing, a tanker who has spent his entire seven-year career in the unit. “I thought the OPTEMPO was normal. I thought the suicide rate was normal.”

The Pentagon’s stated — but rarely enforced — goal is for soldiers to spend three months at home for every one month deployed. Abrams, whose father’s name adorns the military’s tanks, argued that armor units cannot indefinitely sustain their operational treadmill of two months at home for each month deployed unless the Army is willing to pour more resources than it already has into manning, equipment and support.

Randy Lane, who heads the Army’s data work for suicide prevention and similar programs, confirmed that enlisted tankers suffered the worst suicide rate of any high-population career field during the three-year period. He also acknowledged higher suicide rates for members of armor and Stryker brigades, but added Army databases are “not set up to account for brigade type.”

Army secretary Christine Wormuth said in a statement to Army Times that “suicide prevention remains a challenge.”

“Gen. [Randy] George and I recognize there are several contributing factors to suicide and that we need to tailor our prevention efforts based on specific factors at the unit level,” she said. Wormuth added that she and George review suicide prevention efforts with senior commanders “on a nearly monthly basis … [to] assess progress and identify areas for improvement.”

While Army leaders pointed to a series of suicide prevention programs in place, none are aimed specifically at the problems raised by tank units’ operational pace.

Sgt. Maj. Michael Perry, the top enlisted advisor to the Army’s head of installations and quality of life programs, acknowledged that brigade combat teams have been “deploying a lot” despite the gradual end to the War on Terror.

“There is no denying that OPTEMPO … [places] a significant strain on our force and on our families,” Perry said, emphasizing the need for support resources to reduce suicides and other harmful behaviors.

An Army public affairs official did not allow Perry to answer a question about what the service was doing to address the problem specifically for armor units.

Doing so may require looking inward.

Abrams argued the problem is rooted both inside and beyond the Army, but he emphasized that the service can do more.

The retired general said armor units must meet strict requirements — called “business rules” — set by geographic combatant commands for units embarking on non-combat deployments to their theater. Among other criteria, units cannot have too many vacant positions, a certain percentage of their vehicles must be operational and they must be trained to a high standard.

To make the cut, senior commanders often shuffle soldiers and leaders between chronically undermanned units, harming their cohesion. Abrams added that the strain is compounded by constant backlogs on vehicle parts as well.

“It’s like trying to prepare the force with one arm tied behind your back,” Abrams said. Despite Army efforts to mitigate the rules’ impact, “we were still crushing people,” the general added.

A growing vein of suicide prevention research suggests that baseline stress in a population — such as operational tempo for armor brigades — can raise the entire group’s suicide risk. Mental health experts say the military has been slow to embrace this new approach.

Army expert Lane said the service requested a research study in spring 2023 about whether its new readiness and deployment model has increased suicide risk for armor units. But for nearly a year, the Army has struggled to find a partner for the study.

Lane also conceded that officials have neither “enough data nor the agreed upon definition” to analyze the relationship between operational tempo and suicide risk.

While Army headquarters struggles to pin down the problem, the soldiers on the line bear its consequences.

The soldiers of 1st Battalion, 66th Armor said they didn’t have a chance to pause and process the deaths from 2020 and 2021. Training never stopped. Maintenance never stopped.

Roughly every 18 months, the 4th Infantry Division’s 3rd Armored Brigade Combat Team, of which they were a part, had deployed for nine months. In 2015, it was Kuwait. In 2017, the Iron Brigade went to Europe. In 2019, Kuwait was the destination again. Another Europe deployment came in 2022, and the brigade will return to the continent this spring.

The soldiers were already bone-tired when the pandemic began, said Capt. Nick Bierwirth, who spent three-and-a-half years there as a lieutenant. He and other soldiers, such as former Sgt. Dan Lewis, described the relentless cycle.

“I would bring my daughter in at night when she wouldn’t sleep, because I wanted to see my family,” recounted Capt. Dave Wright, an infantry officer who served four years in 1-66.

Because COVID took months away from their training calendar, the brigade’s soldiers were away from home more often than usual once restrictions were lifted. The Iron Knights described those months as the most difficult training cycle they had ever experienced, detailing how back-to-back field exercises took a toll on their tanks, their bodies, their families, their mental health and more.

Exhausted, frustrated and already shaken by two suicides (Cook, the tanker, and Seely, the intel analyst), the unit was on the brink when November 2020 began.

The winter was cruel.

* * *

The day Sgt. Aaron Pollitt died, the 28-year-old infantryman was doing what he did best: caring for those who mattered to him — his wife, his daughter and his soldiers.

A nine-year veteran, Pollitt came up in the battalion’s Bradley company before becoming a master gunner in the headquarters company.

On Nov. 6, 2020, Pollitt was driving a junior soldier home from work when he lost control of his SUV and careened across the median of Interstate 25 into a garbage truck.

Pollitt died. His passenger survived. The gregarious infantryman’s death was not a suicide, but it sent shockwaves through the battalion.

“That was definitely … where things became very difficult for our unit,” Pattan said.

Five days later, the unit suffered its third suicide of the year. Sgt. Cody Kane, a 24-year-old infantryman and father, killed himself in his Fountain, Colorado home on Nov. 11, 2020.

Kane’s colleagues recalled the infantryman blaring “Baby Shark” to raise spirits before he and his tent-mates embarked on a long range day during the unit’s 2019 Kuwait deployment.

“I was his senior medic,” Pattan recalled. “I looked at it as my job to take care of these guys, and I had two people die in a week.”

But training had to continue — Kane’s Bradley company went to the field the day after his suicide. Pattan watched his company commander and first sergeant unsuccessfully fight against the decision.

Then, Spc. Wyatt Thyfault died on Nov. 22. His was the fourth suicide.

Thyfault, a 20-year-old combat medic who grew up northeast of Denver, was at a party at a fellow soldier’s apartment when he died; his casualty form deemed it self-inflicted. Investigative records reveal he was intoxicated and had easy access to another soldier’s unsecured firearm, though nobody faced charges.

The medic’s portrait still hangs in the company headquarters, Herzing said.

Pattan, who was Thyfault’s squad leader, recalled his survivor’s guilt intensifying.

“I got rid of the couch that he was sitting on. I cleaned the carpet. I repaired the bullet hole in the wall,” Pattan said. The Pentagon’s suicide prevention committee later found that soldiers should not clean death scenes.

The battalion’s soldiers, after three deaths in three weeks, charged headlong into holiday block leave season.

But they returned to news of the fifth suicide since April. Pvt. Sean Teasley, who killed himself at his family’s Maryland home on Dec. 29, 2020, still evokes mixed feelings from the soldiers of Battle Company.

The 21-year-old tanker was known as the “kid” of the company, Herzing recalled.

When the unit returned from leave, an officer said, their battalion and brigade “surged” resources to help them cope.

Then everyone learned that Teasley was under criminal investigation for alleged child sexual abuse — police interrogated him shortly before his death. “Once the news broke, it was like, ‘OK, go back to work,’ and people were still fucking struggling,” the officer recalled.

Almost six months passed between Teasley’s death and the sixth suicide.

Sgt. Bayaman Michael Barcus killed himself in front of his girlfriend after a violent outburst following a concert in San Antonio, Texas, on June 13, 2021.

A 24-year-old childhood immigrant from Kyrgyzstan, Barcus grew up in North Georgia. The young father, a sniper in the headquarters company, loved country music and drove a lifted Chevrolet K10.

After Barcus died, Pattan recalled that he “shut down.” He skipped his friend’s memorial, hellbent on “avoiding the problem” lest his own mental state deteriorate further.

Others were in a similar headspace.

“I was at the point where driving off a cliff on the way to work would have been as good as showing up to work,” said one officer. One noncommissioned officer said he called a suicide hotline.

“Looking back … it was like surviving,” Pattan said.

* * *

The stress from the unit’s training tempo was compounded by their seemingly futile battle to keep their vehicles running, the Iron Knights said. Members of other armored units described similar struggles.

Soldiers regularly worked nights and weekends in the motorpool, they said. Former Spc. Garrett Shiemke, a Bradley mechanic, said the maintainers turned wrenches even on so-called “mandatory fun days,” when the rest of the unit would participate in morale-boosting and team-building activities.

“Everything was secondary to making sure the vehicles are up — including personal health and physical fitness,” said Wright, the infantry captain.

And as the battalion’s training reached a fever pitch in 2020, its vehicle crews and maintainers struggled to keep up. The longer the vehicles were in the field, the more they broke.

Chief Warrant Officer 2 Trevor Nelson, who at the time was a sergeant first class leading maintenance for 1-66′s Bradley company, and other Iron Knights described parts backlogs that meant some tanks faced long delays before repair. That made the unit lean even harder on its functional vehicles and on its soldiers. Sometimes the “burnt out” maintainers would resort to visiting auto parts stores and buying common parts on their own dime.

Sometimes the soldiers designated “hangar queen” vehicles, which were awaiting major repairs with long lead times. If a part breaks on a tank, soldiers raid the hangar queen for parts, stressing the mechanics who must both swap the borrowed part and install the new one once it arrives. While Army regulations allow such swaps, unit leaders are directed to reduce such “controlled exchanges” between vehicles.

“I remember the maintenance teams being exhausted 99% of the time and just having zero hope for a let up,” said Shiemke, a Bradley maintainer. “Everything seemed like an emergency. But if everything’s an emergency, then nothing is an emergency.”

Crews and officers responsible for overseeing maintenance also felt the strain.

A former company executive officer worked six consecutive Saturdays before a deployment in the maintenance bays, he said.

“The two months [before deployment] where I’m trying to spend as much time as I can with my wife, half of those weekends were robbed from me,” the officer said.

Col. Roger Cabiness II, an Army spokesperson, acknowledged parts backlogs in a statement to Army Times. He said a “working group” between Army Materiel Command and “other stakeholders” aims to reduce such backorders. Cabiness also said that “advanced manufacturing, data analytics and other innovative solutions” will combine to ease the difficulty of getting the right parts at the right time.

A former 1-66 company executive officer said leaders directed him to “play musical parts” so training could continue, which he said “took a psychological toll” on the overburdened maintainers.

It also discouraged the soldiers, who affectionately name their vehicles and emotionally bond with them. A crew unlucky enough to need major repairs would often sit back and watch the unit raid their beloved tank like a spare parts bazaar.

* * *

Military suicide prevention officials have trouble seeing the forest for the trees, some mental health experts argue.

In recent years, psychologist Craig Bryan of Ohio State University has critiqued the military’s traditional approach to suicide prevention: detecting and treating mental illness in individual service members, with a focus on crisis intervention. He and others have found that the “majority” of soldier suicides are not directly linked to mental illness.

“We waste so much money on machine learning and predictive analytics, stuff … geared toward [identifying] who’s going to kill themselves and when, but we’re never going to have an algorithm to do that,” Bryan said.

The former Air Force psychologist argued in his 2022 book, “Rethinking Suicide,” that the military’s suicide prevention efforts have largely ignored how sustained stress in troops’ daily lives can increase their suicide risk.

Bryan was also a member of the Defense Department’s 2022 Suicide Prevention and Response Independent Review Committee, which found that “training demands and requirements … [are] primary sources of stress, burnout and demoralization.” Other common stressors include shoddy computers, byzantine promotion policies, unsupportive leaders and poor housing.

For members of armor brigades, the operational tempo and long working hours in the maintenance bays add up, he said.

“It’s like death by 1,000 paper cuts,” Bryan said. “The damage starts to accumulate, and it becomes harder to resist bigger shocks to the system.” When a soldier exceeds their stress threshold from daily difficulties and acute strains (such as finances, or the end of a relationship), they are then more vulnerable to sudden suicidal behavior.

Carrie Shult, the Army’s suicide prevention program manager, said emerging research — including Bryan’s work for the Pentagon — recently led the service to begin studying “systemic [suicide] risk” factors and explore ways to reduce them. But she cautioned that “chang[ing] the way we think about the problem takes some time.”

Both she and Lane said their teams struggle to measure soldiers’ quality of life. Army headquarters officials cannot easily quantify how much time soldiers spend away from home (which the Army’s top noncommissioned officer has also noted), whether their training schedules are predictable or how their work hours impact their relationships and sleep.

Cabiness detailed a series of Army headquarters-led suicide prevention initiatives, but none were focused specifically on armor units’ systemic risk factors. The list also included a patchwork of local efforts, such as a Fort Bliss brigade making soldiers pledge not to kill themselves.

Wormuth highlighted three division-level suicide prevention initiatives in her statement, including the Alaska-based 11th Airborne Division’s “Mission 100″ program. These efforts, the Army secretary said, “are prioritizing engaged leadership and providing a range of resources [to] soldiers and their families.”

The Army is launching other efforts outside of the suicide prevention program. The 1st Cavalry Division recently developed training for new company command teams and battalion executive officers that includes instruction on how to run maintenance programs without running soldiers into the ground. Division commander Maj. Gen. Kevin Admiral said the effort, which begins this summer, aims to “bring the stress down and add more predictability to our schedules for soldiers.”

* * *

Between the deaths, the training pace and the maintenance, many soldiers from 1-66 struggled to maintain their personal relationships. Others lost faith in the Army and asked whether the peacetime mission was worth the cost.

Several Iron Knights divorced.

“My wife at that time, she couldn’t take … me being gone for 16 hours a day,” Herzing, a tank commander, said. “I’d come home and we’d fight because I wasn’t spending time with her.”

“I’ve never seen more burnout in a unit before,” said Pattan, who also divorced. He said he’s grateful to have worked for leaders who “would die for their soldiers,” but he believes the Army must confront the “fundamental” problems facing tank brigades. He described the armor brigade grind as more difficult than his time in the 82nd Airborne Division, which included a 2019 deployment to Afghanistan.

The medic resisted seeking mental health treatment until December 2021, when he first saw a Fort Carson therapist. Since then, he has kept weekly appointments, attending them via phone during the unit’s 2022 deployment to Europe. He wants junior soldiers to see that it’s okay to need help for the stresses of Army life.

“The Army’s overall mission was readiness,” recalled one officer. “Well, after a few years … being ready isn’t enough to keep you going.”

Abrams, the retired four-star general, explained why the pace intensified. He retired in 2021 after stints leading Forces Command, which oversees most of the Army’s combat units while they prepare for deployments, and U.S. Forces Korea, the standing American command in South Korea.

He argued that the demand for armor brigades was enabled by budget-driven cuts to units stationed overseas, leading the service to deploy tank brigades to Korea on one-after-the-other rotations beginning in 2013. Then Russia’s aggression against Ukraine led policy makers to establish a similar ongoing armor deployment to Europe — Operation Atlantic Resolve — in 2016. Combined with consistent Central Command deployments, these requirements created a crushing cycle: a brigade would deploy for nine months, return home, and then immediately launch into 18 months of training for their next deployment.

Although the Army tried to reduce overseas requirements for tank brigades, the moves came after a surge in demand for armor units forced four of the service’s 11 active duty armored brigades to be deployed simultaneously. Two active duty tank brigades are currently overseas.

The path to reduce such stress is unclear. In the wake of Russia’s expanded invasion of Ukraine, countries such as Lithuania and Poland have reiterated their desire for permanently based U.S. tanks.

Returning to overseas basing, which Army experts have previously recommended, could end rotational deployments for good. But Cabiness, the Army spokesperson, cautioned that such a move would require a series of military and political approvals from the U.S. and possible host countries.

Thus the Iron Knights will deploy to Europe once again this spring.

Herzing and his new significant other will become parents during this rotation.

Pattan will stay stateside and expects he will receive a medical retirement this summer. “I don’t think that the battalion is healed, even though a lot of those people are no longer here,” he said.

Some soldiers argued the mission may not be worth its cost.

Nelson, the former maintenance chief, said that when the suicides occurred, “it never felt like their deaths were a priority” for the unit.

“We just kept chugging along, which I get we’re supposed to do as an Army, but we were just training,” Nelson said. “Not even training to go to war. We just trained to go to training exercises so we could train to go on training rotations.”

Wright plans to leave the active duty force and return to the National Guard.

“What is the mission that we’re killing ourselves for?” he asked. “The [armor brigades] weren’t at war. They were training in Europe, and they were training in Korea, and they were training in Kuwait, and they were babysitting [bases] in Iraq.

“Leaders will talk about taking it personally when they make a decision [in combat] and it results in somebody’s death. But we’re making decisions every single day that are resulting in people dying, and no one wants to take responsibility for it.”

Meanwhile, tank brigades run a familiar treadmill, powered by a decade’s worth of decisions by the Army, the Defense Department and policymakers.

The Iron Knight battalion returned from an eight-month deployment to Poland in December 2022. If the Army met its dwell-to-deployment ratio goal, soldiers who completed that rotation would not deploy again until December 2024.

The battalion’s lead element deploys next week.

Re: US Army News

Posted: Fri Apr 12, 2024 4:45 am
by James1978
Lawmaker presses Army to explore permanent armor presence in Europe
By Davis Winkie
14 March 2024

The congressman who leads a military quality of life panel wants the Army to “give serious consideration” to stationing an armor brigade in Europe after an Army Times investigation into suicides in tank units.

Rep. Don Bacon, R-Neb., said in a statement that he found Army Times’ investigation “to be deeply troubling, especially that it could be so widespread in a single community.” The lawmaker, a retired Air Force brigadier general and the House Armed Services Committee’s quality of life panel chief, added that he was previously unaware of these issues.

According to an Army Times data analysis, members of armor brigades were more than twice as likely as other active duty soldiers to kill themselves between 2019 and 2021. During the same period, enlisted tankers killed themselves at more than three times the rate of other soldiers. Experts said tank brigades’ treadmill of training and non-combat deployments increase the community’s systemic suicide risk and make its soldiers more vulnerable to major life stressors.

The Army currently has two active duty tank brigades deployed to Europe. Despite efforts to reduce demands around the world, tank units still struggle to meet the requirement. The 4th Infantry Division’s 3rd Armored Brigade Combat Team begins deploying for Europe this month roughly 16 months after returning from their last Poland rotation in December 2022.

“It’s time for the Army to re-evaluate its global posture for armor and give serious consideration to permanently basing an additional [brigade combat team] in Europe,” he said. Bacon pointed at the Air Force’s struggle to maintain no-fly zones around the world in the 1990s as an example of “how the grind of endless presence rotations really tears up your force.”

Bacon described the deaths as a “red flag,” adding that “we need to remember that we’re talking about human beings, not appliances.”

In a previous response to questions from Army Times, service spokesperson Col. Roger Cabiness II described overseas basing as “not a simple task.” Such a move would require action from Congress, the Defense Department and diplomats at home and abroad.

Bacon’s call also comes on the heels of a Monday report from the Center for Strategic and International Studies think tank that recommended the Army end rotational armor deployments to Europe in favor of permanently basing a brigade in Poland.

The report’s authors recommended that the Army abandon the rotational armor brigade deployment model because it “eats up ... the Army’s force structure and long-term readiness.”

Re: US Army News

Posted: Tue Sep 24, 2024 6:36 pm
by James1978
What lessons did the US Army learn from the Gaza aid pier mission?
By Lolita C. Baldor, The Associated Press
September 1, 2024

It was their most challenging mission.

U.S. Army soldiers in the 7th Transportation Brigade had previously set up a pier during training and in exercises overseas but never had dealt with the wild combination of turbulent weather, security threats and sweeping personnel restrictions that surrounded the Gaza humanitarian aid project.

Designed as a temporary solution to get badly needed food and supplies to desperate Palestinians, the so-called Joint Logistics Over-the-Shore system, or JLOTS, faced a series of setbacks over the spring and summer. It managed to send more than 20 million tons of aid ashore for people in Gaza facing famine during the Israel-Hamas war.

Service members struggled with what Col. Sam Miller, who was commander during the project, called the biggest “organizational leadership challenge” he had ever experienced.

Speaking to The Associated Press after much of the unit returned home, Miller said the Army learned a number of lessons during the four-month mission. It began when President Joe Biden’s announced in his State of the Union speech in March that the pier would be built and lasted through July 17, when the Pentagon formally declared that the mission was over and the pier was being permanently dismantled.

The Army is reviewing the $230 million pier operation and what it learned from the experience. One of the takeaways, according to a senior Army official, is that the unit needs to train under more challenging conditions to be better prepared for bad weather and other security issues it faced. The official spoke on condition of anonymity because assessments of the pier project have not been publicly released.

In a report released this week, the inspector general for the U.S. Agency for International Development said Biden ordered the pier’s construction even as USAID staffers expressed concerns that it would be difficult and undercut a push to persuade Israel to open “more efficient” land crossings to get food into Gaza.

The Defense Department said the pier “achieved its goal of providing an additive means of delivering high volumes of humanitarian aid to the people of Gaza to help address the acute humanitarian crisis.” The U.S. military knew from the outset “there would be challenges as part of this in this complex emergency,” the statement added.

The Biden administration had set a goal of the U.S. sea route and pier providing food to feed 1.5 million people for 90 days. It fell short, bringing in enough to feed about 450,000 people for a month before shutting down, the USAID inspector general's report said.

The Defense Department’s watchdog also is doing an evaluation of the project.

Beefing up training
Army soldiers often must conduct their exercises under difficult conditions designed to replicate war. Learning from the Gaza project — which was the first time the Army set up a pier in actual combat conditions — leaders say they need to find ways to make the training even more challenging.

One of the biggest difficulties of the Gaza pier mission was that no U.S. troops could step ashore — a requirement set by Biden. Instead, U.S service members were scattered across a floating city of more than 20 ships and platforms miles offshore that had to have food, water, beds, medical care and communications.

Every day, said Miller, there were as many as 1,000 trips that troops and other personnel made from ship to boat to pier to port and back.

“We were moving personnel around the sea and up to the Trident pier on a constant basis,” Miller said. “And every day, there was probably about a thousand movements taking place, which is quite challenging, especially when you have sea conditions that you have to manage.”

Military leaders, he said, had to plan three or four days ahead to ensure they had everything they needed because the trip from the pier to their “safe haven” at Israel's port of Ashdod was about 30 nautical miles.

The trip over and back could take up to 12 hours, in part because the Army had to sail about 5 miles out to sea between Ashdod and the pier to stay a safe distance from shore as they passed Gaza City, Miller said.

Normally, Miller said, when the Army establishes a pier, the unit sets up a command onshore, making it much easier to store and access supplies and equipment or gather troops to lay out orders for the day.

Communication difficulties
While his command headquarters was on the U.S. military ship Roy P. Benavidez, Miller said he was constantly moving with his key aides to the various ships and the pier.

“I slept and ate on every platform out there,” he said.

The U.S. Army official concurred a lot of unexpected logistical issues came up that a pier operation may not usually include.

Because the ships had to use the Ashdod port and a number of civilian workers under terms of the mission, contracts had to be negotiated and written. Agreements had to be worked out so vessels could dock, and workers needed to be hired for tasks that troops couldn't do, including moving aid onto the shore.

Communications were a struggle.

“Some of our systems on the watercraft can be somewhat slower with bandwidth, and you’re not able to get up to the classified level,” Miller said.

He said he used a huge spreadsheet to keep track of all the ships and floating platforms, hundreds of personnel and the movement of millions of tons of aid from Cyprus to the Gaza shore.

When bad weather broke the pier apart, they had to set up ways to get the pieces moved to Ashdod and repaired. Over time, he said, they were able to hire more tugs to help move sections of the pier more quickly.

Some of the pier’s biggest problems — including the initial reluctance of aid agencies to distribute supplies throughout Gaza and later safety concerns from the violence — may not apply in other operations where troops may be quickly setting up a pier to get military forces ashore for an assault or disaster response.

“There’s tons of training value and experience that every one of the soldiers, sailors and others got out of this,” Miller said. "There’s going to be other places in the world that may have similar things, but they won’t be as tough as the things that we just went through.”

When the time comes, he said, “we’re going to be much better at doing this type of thing.”

One bit of information could have given the military a better heads-up about the heavy seas that would routinely hammer the pier. Turns out, said the Army official, there was a Gaza surf club, and its headquarters was near where they built the pier.

That “may be an indicator that the waves there were big,” the official said.

Re: US Army News

Posted: Tue Sep 24, 2024 7:09 pm
by James1978
Why the US Army wants one more hypersonic weapon test by year’s end
By Jen Judson
September 6, 2024

The U.S. Army is aiming for one more major test of its Long-Range Hypersonic Weapon by the end of 2024 in order to decide whether to field it to the first unit next year, according to Doug Bush, the service’s acquisition chief.

The Common Hypersonic Glide Body, which is the all-up round developed jointly with the U.S. Navy, conducted a key successful test earlier this year. The Navy will integrate the round into a ship-launched capability, while the Army will integrate it into a ground launcher.

The Army has worked with Leidos’ Dynetics for years to build the industrial base for the Common Hypersonic Glide Body that will be used by both the ground service and the Navy, as the domestic private sector has never built a hypersonic weapon.

On the heels of the Navy test, “what we’ve got to do is make sure we have a full end-to-end test as close to an operational test that is successful,” Bush told reporters in a Pentagon briefing.

The Army needs to have confidence “it’s safe and effective to actually put in a unit that might have to go to war,” he said. “We haven’t had that test event yet where it’s fully succeeded, but we’re going to have, hopefully have, it this year.”

If the service is able to pull off a successful test, then it will be on track to field it to the first unit as an initial operational capability, according to Bush.

The Army completed its delivery of the first hypersonic weapon capability — minus the all-up rounds — to the 1st Multidomain Task Force 5th Battalion, 3rd Field Artillery Regiment, 17th Field Artillery Brigade unit at Joint Base Lewis-McChord, Washington, two days ahead of its end-of-fiscal 2021 fielding deadline.

Hypersonic weapons are capable of flying faster than Mach 5 — or more than 3,836 miles per hour — and can maneuver between varying altitudes, making them difficult to detect. The C-HGB is made up of the weapon’s warhead, guidance system, cabling and thermal protection shield.

The U.S. is in a race to field the capability and develop systems to defend against hypersonic missiles. China and Russia are actively developing and testing hypersonic weapons.

In August, Lt. Gen. Robert Rasch, Rapid Capabilities and Critical Technologies Office director, told Defense News in an exclusive interview at the Space and Missile Defense Symposium in Huntsville, Alabama, that the Army is “really close” to fielding the capability. But he cautioned that more testing remains before any decision is made on the future of its ground-launched hypersonic missile.

The Navy’s flight test of the industry-manufactured missile — which took place at the Pacific Missile Range Facility in Hawaii in May — was highly anticipated as part of the joint development program following a series of failed or aborted tests of the Common Hypersonic Glide Body.

The Army and Navy last year had to abort flight tests in March, October and November due to challenges at the range related not to the round but the process of firing up the missile for launch.

Missile development programs typically take about 10 years, Rasch stressed, and while the plan to field hypersonic missiles to a first unit has been delayed by over a year, the Long-Range Hypersonic Weapon program is only at the five-year mark.

“We’ve got to make sure this capability works. If the decision is made to implement this, it’s for real, serious reasons, strategic-level reasons, and we need it to work every time,” Rasch said.